The Liberals have also committed to a $16.8 million funding increase for Catholic schools over a five-year period. The school’s principal told the media: “We have a plan to carpet two or three classrooms per year, based on need. Better intergovernmental coordination was needed, as was greater respect and flexibility for states. In other words, enhancing the opportunities offered by our federal system of government, not reducing them with a single, national system.In response to these meaty and sophisticated recommendations, the Gillard government developed and equally meaty and complex This plan, announced in September last year, sought to place Australian students amongst the These are worthy ideas, but difficult or impossible to implement and manage by a level of government that does not actually, and should not, run schools. "The [Catholic] bishop can ring the premier or the prime minister - they are usually on a first-name basis. "[Catholic and independent] sectors have a machinery in place that directly engages parents and communities they serve," he says. The buckling tends to come before elections, amid fears that anger from the independent and Catholic sectors will lead to punishment at the ballot box.Former Labor prime minister Julia Gillard, for example, commissioned the Gonski review and convinced the states to agree to its reforms, but buckled by promising that all schools would have their taxpayer funding increase, including those that already had too much of it.Malcolm Turnbull's government revived the attempt to take money off wealthy non-government schools. "There is a governance issue with public schools that leaves those schools without an effective champion, which could forcefully make the case to defend and attain their resourcing requirements. Its champion is the education minister, who is responsible for the other sectors, too. … "They can tap that, mobilise that, and apply pressure to the government far more easily than the union. So the ones with the biggest holes in them or the biggest rips get replaced first.”The gulf between private and public schools has resulted in the country having one of the highest rates of non-public school attendance among the advanced capitalist countries. Millions of dollars of members’ union fees have been allocated to publicising it as a model for “fairer” school funding.Significantly, the funding data analysed by the SOS report mainly covers the years following the Gonski The decade between 2009 and 2018 saw an increase of total income for private and Catholic schools nine to ten times higher than for public schools. Information about the Australian Government’s current school education policies can be found in the schooling section of the Department of In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. Third, Gonski himself will lead an expert review, to report by the end of this year. That translates to a greater lobbying effectiveness on their behalf. "I think the NSW Teachers Federation sees itself as the main lobby group for government schools, and they are outdone only on occasion by the Australian Education Union," he says.Yet the influence of the union, which represents public school teachers and principals, stops at the school gate, and doesn't extend to parents and students, Rorris says. It also found that educational performance is strongly and unacceptably linked to students’ backgrounds - the more disadvantaged, the worse the child’s outcomes. So now, for the first time, the Commonwealth will have a simple and transparent way to explain how it funds schools:Every school has a target level of funding, the SRSGovernment schools receive Commonwealth funding equal to 20% of SRS (up from 17% on average today)Non-government schools receive Commonwealth funding equal to 80% of SRS (up from 77%).This is a big change from the current model, under which comparable students in similar schools could receive thousands of dollars more or less from the Commonwealth depending on which state or territory they live in.States and territories will be expected to maintain their real level of funding, but will not otherwise be tied to the SRS formula. To discuss how to join this struggle, contact the CFPE. Public schools students would receive the full SRS, private schools a proportion based on their school’s estimated ability to rise private income (i.e fees) using census data from students’ neighbourhoods.The loadings would cover six identified forms of disadvantage – low socioeconomic background, indigenous background, limited English, rural or small schools and disability. The Government says it's vital and the Opposition now agrees. That is reversed for public schools.Partly because non-government schools are not as expensive as public ones - there are not as many, for a start (in NSW, they make up about a third of schools) - and partly because it raises its own revenue, the Commonwealth has been better at meeting its financial obligations. How last century! It can ask for fees from parents too; they are compulsory, and this year nudges $13,000 per student. PhD Candidate and Tutor, School of Social and Political Sciences & Melbourne Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne

Premiers spoke of the difficulty or impossibility of finding their one-third share of additional funding from already over-stretched state budgets, and their fears that even with these loadings, schools, particularly public schools, needed more funding.Judging by the leaders’ comments at the COAG press conference, this means individual, flexible agreements more in line with the Gonski recommendations after all. The Gonski reforms, initiated in 2012, were supposed to fix this.

But the reforms keep being quietly delayed and diluted; last year, the deadline for over-funded schools to lose that money was extended by two years, to 2029. Both parties have also buckled to political interests at crucial moments, leading to what one senior bureaucrat described as a "two steps forward, one step back" approach. For example, Victorian public schools have power over most of their own budget – including staff hiring - while other states, such as New South Wales, make large budget and staffing decisions centrally, leaving schools with minimal autonomy.But it makes education funding extremely complex and allows misinformation to flourish, to everyone’s detriment. NSW's is headed by a former National Australia Bank lobbyist and member of the Liberal Party state executive, while the national office is headed by a former Labor senator.Until recently, the Victorian commission was headed by a former state Liberal MP.When it comes to lobbying for its fair share of resources, Rorris says the public system is fighting with one hand behind its back.

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